The policy experts also seemed to miss Labor’s plan to introduce a $1000 standard tax deduction. In a country with more accountants than farmers, anything that makes it easier for people to go about their business without interacting with the tax system is a major productivity win. Standard tax deductions occur around the world. All the way back in 2010, the Henry Tax Review advocated such a policy.

It must be a win for consumers because the accountancy sector (which gets a tax-deductible clip from all the people who come into their offices with their shoe boxes of receipts) is already warning against it.

In the March budget, Treasurer Jim Chalmers announced the government’s plan to axe workplace non-compete clauses. The evidence of how the explosion in non-competes is holding back workers and the economy is clear. No, it was not big bang, shout it from the rooftops type of reform, but it clearly is productivity-enhancing policy.

Which brings me to the next load of bollocks. What sort of campaign did critics want? Was it 2004, when Mark Latham tried to break John Howard’s hand (and the then prime minister failed to give a clear warning of WorkChoices)?

Perhaps it was 1977, when the Liberal Party promised a “fistful of cash” only to break that promise after being returned to office?

We’ve had “it’s time” elections previously. Not just Gough Whitlam’s famous victory in 1972, but also the 1996 election, where there was a distinct air of a publican calling last drinks on the incumbent government.

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To find a real policy-heavy election campaign you have to go back to 1993 and 1998 when the GST were key features. The Coalition got whacked in 1993 while Howard lost the two-party preferred vote in 1998.

In 2019, Bill Shorten and his huge tax reform platform was repudiated by voters.

The 2010 election was also filled with policy – taxation of the resources sector plus the government’s prevarication over a price on carbon. These plans were part of what cost Kevin Rudd his job, and when Julia Gillard then went to the polls advocating tax changes that translated into the first hung parliament in more than 60 years.

Speaking of Gillard, over the past week, there’s been plenty of complaints that Albanese’s success was partly due to the way it had “demonised” Dutton.

Those complaining on Dutton’s behalf must have forgotten the way Gillard was treated during her entire term in office by her colleagues across the aisle. Perhaps the pictures of Tony Abbott and other members of the Coalition standing in front of posters calling her a witch, a liar and “Bob Browns [sic] bitch” have been forgotten.

Malcolm Fraser warned voters in 1983 they would have to hide their savings under their beds if Bob Hawke was elected. In the run-up to the 1990 election, The Australian declared then Liberal leader Andrew Peacock as “all feathers, no meat”. And this campaign, Dutton accused Albanese of being a liar more times than you could count.

Lost among all those who are demanding change or reform packages has been the lived experience of voters over the past 15 years.

Starting with the global financial crisis and its enduring impact, the slowdown in wages growth, Donald Trump (versions one and two), COVID-19, the post-pandemic inflation surge, the war in Ukraine, the attack on Israel and its response across Gaza … it’s a long list of disruptions. Voters wanting stability in the face of all that makes sense.

Voters did get a tough battle between two parties and two leaders prepared to vigorously argue their case. It may not have soared to great heights or scratched the policy itch for many, but ultimately the campaign was aimed at ordinary people just trying to go about their lives.

Compared with what’s on offer in other nations, give me that any day of the week.

Shane Wright is a senior economics correspondent for The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald.

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